Handbook of Art Therapy
Providing a complete overview of art therapy, from theory and research to practical applications, this is the definitive handbook in the field. Leading practitioners demonstrate the nuts and bolts of arts-based intervention with children, adults, families, couples, and groups dealing with a wide range of clinical issues. Rich with illustrative case material, the volume features 110 sample drawings and other artwork. The inclusion of diverse theoretical approaches and practice settings makes the Handbook eminently useful for all mental health professionals interested in using art in evaluation and treatment.
New to This Edition*Incorporates the latest clinical applications, methods, and research.*Chapter on art materials and media (including uses of new technologies).*Chapters on intervening with domestic violence survivors, bereaved children, and military personnel.*Expanded coverage of neuroscience, cultural diversity, and ethics.
Избранные страницы
Part IThe Art and Science of Art Therapy
Chapter 1A Brief History of Art Therapy
Chapter 2Art Therapy and the Brain
Chapter 3Art Therapy Materials Media and Methods
Chapter 4Art Therapy in Practice
Part IIClinical Approaches to Art Therapy
Chapter 5Psychoanalytic Analytic and Object Relations Approaches
Chapter 6Humanistic Approaches
Chapter 18Art in Counseling
An Art Therapy Perspective
Chapter 20Art Therapy with Adults with Severe Mental Illness
Chapter 21Art Therapy in Addictions Treatment
Chapter 22Art Therapy with Combat Veterans and Military Personnel
Chapter 23Art Therapy and Domestic Violence
Part VClinical Applications With Groups Families And Couples
An Interactive Approach
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Chapter 7CognitiveBehavioral and MindBody Approaches
Chapter 8SolutionFocused and Narrative Approaches
Chapter 9Developmental Art Therapy
Chapter 10Expressive Arts Therapy and Multimodal Approaches
Part IIIClinical Applications with Children and Adolescents
Chapter 11Drawing and Storytelling as Psychotherapy with Children
Chapter 12Using Drawing in ShortTerm Trauma Resolution
Chapter 13Art and Play Therapy with Sexually Abused Children
Chapter 14An Art Therapy Approach to AttentionDeficitHyperactivity Disorder
Chapter 15Art Therapy with Children on the Autism Spectrum
Chapter 16Medical Art Therapy with Children
Chapter 17Art Therapy with Adolescents
Part IVClinical Applications with Adults
Chapter 25Developing Themes for Art Therapy Groups
Chapter 26Group Approaches with Sexually Abused Children
Chapter 27Using Art Therapy with Medical Support Groups
Chapter 28Art Therapy with Families and Couples
Chapter 29Art Therapy with Children in Grief and Loss Groups
Part VIArt Based Assessments
Chapter 30A Brief Overview of ArtBased Assessments
Chapter 31What Art Can and Cannot Tell Us
Appendix ACredentials Education Supervision Standards of Practice and Ethical Standards
Appendix BResources
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Handbook of Art Therapy
Cathy A. Malchiodi
Недоступно для просмотра – 2011
Cathy A. Malchiodi, PhD, ATR-BC, LPCC, LPAT, REAT, is a psychologist and expressive arts therapist specializing in trauma recovery. Since the 1990s, Dr. Malchiodi has worked with traumatized children, adolescents, adults, and families, expanding the range of understanding of nonverbal, sensory-based concepts and methods. Founder and executive director of the Trauma-Informed Practices and Expressive Arts Therapy Institute, Dr. Malchiodi has given over 700 invited keynotes, lectures, and workshops around the world, and has assisted more than 500 organizations and institutions in developing trauma-informed, expressive arts, and disaster relief programming. Her books include Trauma and Expressive Arts Therapy, Understanding Children’s Drawings, and Creative Interventions with Traumatized Children, Second Edition. Dr. Malchiodi is a contributing writer for Psychology Today, an active visual artist, and an aspiring musician.
If You Know These Sayings, You Definitely Grew Up In The South
Valerie Fraser Luesse has been affiliated with Southern Living and its parent company since 1988. She has written some 30 Southern Journal essays for the magazine and extensively covered the unique cultural pockets of the South, including Acadian Louisiana, the Mississippi Delta, South Florida, and the Outer Banks of North Carolina. She released her fourth Southern novel with Revell in 2021.
Updated on July 29, 2023
In This Article
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In This Article
When it comes to language, Southerners may say things that can often be surprising. Perhaps even a tad unusual. And we like it that way. We shun the simple, straightforward, and direct in favor of more colorful means of self-expression, Southern style. Why would Daddy settle for “We’ve been having fried chicken quite often” when he can present us with a fully realized picture of his situation: “I’ve been eating so much fried chicken lately that I feel called to preach!”
But it’s not just the visual and emotional zip we’re going for. It’s also the rhythm. Consider the flat and uninspired “I am delighted” vs. “I’m tickled as a speckled pup.” It’s the difference between “I find him intellectually deficient” and “That boy’s a few fries shy of a Happy Meal.” Note the musicality of the latter—how it rolls off the tongue. (By the way, one can also be “pretty as a speckled pup.” The speckled pup is a versatile little thing. Bless his heart.)
We wondered how far beyond “bless your heart” we could go and recruited our friends and followers on Facebook to help us out. Here are some lesser-known Southern sayings we came up with—let us know what we missed!
Southern Superstitions
- My nose itches; company must be coming.
- Dear heaven, there’s a bird in the house; somebody’s about to die.
- It’s comin’ up a cloud. (It’s about to storm.)
- It’s comin’ a toad-strangler. (It’s raining really hard.)
- It’s fairin’ off. (The aforementioned storm is passing.)
Expressions About Ignorance
- Her elevator doesn’t go all the way to the top, bless her heart.
- That boy’s about half a bubble off plumb, God love him.
- He ain’t the sharpest tool in the shed.
- That girl ain’t wrapped tight.
- Have you lost your marbles?
- That fella’s a few bricks shy of a load.
- Well, the lights are on, but ain’t nobody home.
- I feel pecked by a hundred chickens. (I have stress coming from many sources.)
- I’ve got a Champagne appetite on a Kool-Aid budget. (I want more than I can afford.)
- That dog’ll hunt. (That plan will work.)
- Well, butter my backside and call me a biscuit! (Well, I’ll be dang!)
- I love you a bushel and a peck and a hug around the neck. (I love you bunches. We like to sing this one to children.)
- Whatever cranks your tractor. (Whatever makes you happy.)
- That’s just a lost ball in high weeds. (You’ve got yourself a lost cause, son.)
- Don’t go borrowing trouble. (Don’t worry about the future.)
- It’ll all come out in the wash. (Everything will work out.)
- If we don’t get it in the wash, we’ll get it in the rinse. (Everything really, really will work out.)
- I’m fuller than a tick on a big dog. (And that is one full tick.)
- I’m cold as a well-digger in “Id-y-ho.” (The Idaho setting just adds oomph, don’t you think?)
- If I had a brain, I’d take it out and play with it. (I don’t know what I was thinking.)
- I’m fine as frog hair and not half as slick. (An enthusiastically positive response to “How are you?”)
- If wishes were horses, beggars could ride. (Quit wishing and get busy.)
- Don’t let the screen door hit you in the backside on the way out. (We trot this one out when a guest—usually a family member—tells us how very busy they are and how they really must be going—setting us up to beg them to stay.)
- People in hell want ice water, but that don’t mean they get it. (You don’t always get what you want. Wait—didn’t somebody famous say something REALLY close to that??)
- Does that picture look cattywampus to you? (Is it crooked?)
- You’ve just traded the devil for the witch. (You’ve swapped one bad situation for another.)
- If you’re gonna have a pity party, don’t invite me. (I hate whining.)
What Hamas Wants
Produced by ElevenLabs and NOA, News Over Audio, using AI narration.
“Did Israel Avert a Hamas Massacre?” That was the question posed by the headline of a Vanity Fair exposé published in October 2014. The investigative report laid out a sophisticated plot by the Islamist terror group to kill and kidnap Israelis on the Gaza border. The plan: to use underground tunnels to infiltrate nearby civilian enclaves on Rosh Hashanah, the Jewish new year, when the communities would be at their most vulnerable. As one intelligence source put it, the operation had two goals: “First, get in and massacre people in a village. Pull off something they could show on television. Second, the ability to kidnap soldiers and civilians using the tunnels would give them a great bargaining chip.” The Israel Defense Forces subsequently confirmed this reporting to other media outlets, but not the specific date.
The tunnels were real. But at the time the massacre-that-wasn’t received little additional media coverage. It seemed too cinematic and convenient. Maybe it was a Hamas pipe dream that was never operational. Or maybe it was a worst-case scenario concocted by the Israeli security services and leaked to the media to justify their own ever-expanding countermeasures. Years passed without a mass border incursion, the tunnels were gradually detected and blocked, and I came to the conclusion that the skeptics were right about the plot being too lurid even for Hamas.
I was wrong. Last week, Hamas executed something quite like the attack on the Gaza border that it had planned all those years ago. Instead of tunneling underground on Rosh Hashanah, it invaded aboveground on another Jewish holiday, Simchat Torah. Some 1,500 terrorists stormed nearby civilian communities by land, air, and sea. They murdered babies in their cribs, parents in front of their children, and children in front of their parents. They burned entire families alive. They decapitated and mutilated their victims. They wore body cameras and documented their destruction as though it were a video game. They executed a grandmother in her home and uploaded the snuff film to her Facebook page. They deliberately targeted elementary schools. They kidnapped toddlers and a Holocaust survivor. They paraded a battered, naked woman through the streets of Gaza like a trophy. All told, they murdered more than 1,300 Israelis, almost all civilians, and abducted some 150 others, including babies and the elderly. The death toll continues to rise as rescue workers recover more remains and reassemble mangled corpses for identification.
Somehow, few saw this eruption of inhumanity coming. Several months ago, Sven Kühn von Burgsdorff, then the European Union ambassador to the Palestinians, performed what he called Gaza’s first paragliding flight to advocate for a future where “anything is possible in Gaza.” Hamas terrorists would later use paragliders to massacre more than 250 civilians at an Israeli music festival, which is presumably not what the envoy had in mind. And he wasn’t the only one naive about the Hamas regime’s intentions.
The consensus was that Hamas was a mostly rational actor that could be reasoned with. To hawks, although the group was an anti-Semitic Iran proxy, it could be deterred through political and economic incentives, because it felt responsible for the welfare of the Gazan people. To doves, Hamas was a quasi-legitimate national resistance movement whose occasional bouts of violence were simply intended to draw attention to that struggle.
Successive Netanyahu governments and security officials, far less sympathetic to the Gazan plight, nonetheless spent recent years lifting economic restrictions on the enclave, granting thousands of work permits for Gazans, and transferring hundreds of millions of Qatari dollars to Hamas in exchange—they thought—for relative quiet.
But it turned out that Hamas wasn’t being pacified; it was preparing. The group was less committed to national liberation than to Jewish elimination. Its violence was rooted not in strategy, but in sadism. And in retrospect, well before the Rosh Hashanah plot, the signs of Hamas’s atrocious ambitions were all there—many observers just did not want to believe them. What Hamas did was not out of character, but rather the explicit fulfillment of its long-stated objectives. The shocking thing was not just the atrocity itself, but that so many people were shocked by it, because they’d failed to reckon with the reality that had been staring them in the face.
First, there is Hamas’s notorious charter, a Frankensteinian amalgam of the worst anti-Semitic conspiracy theories of the modern era—the very same that have motivated numerous white-supremacist attacks in the United States. “Our struggle against the Jews is very great and very serious,” the document opens. “It needs all sincere efforts … until the enemy is vanquished.” The charter goes on to claim that the Jews control “the world media, news agencies, the press, publishing houses, broadcasting stations, and others.” According to Hamas, the Jews were “behind the French Revolution, the Communist revolution and most of the revolutions we heard and hear about,” as well as World War I and World War II. The charter accuses Israel of seeking to take over the entire world, and cites as proof the most influential modern anti-Semitic text, The Protocols of the Elders of Zion, a Russian fabrication that purports to expose a global Jewish cabal.
“Israel will exist and will continue to exist until Islam will obliterate it,” Hamas declares in its credo. “The Day of Judgement will not come about until Muslims fight the Jews.” In case anyone missed the point, the document adds that “so-called peaceful solutions and international conferences are in contradiction to the principles of the Islamic Resistance Movement.” In 2017, Hamas published a new charter, but pointedly refused to disavow the original one, in a transparent ruse that some respectable observers nonetheless took at face value.
In any case, Hamas communicated its genocidal intentions not just in words, but in deeds. Before it took control of Gaza, the group deliberately targeted Jewish civilians for mass murder, executing scores of suicide bombings against shopping malls, night clubs, restaurants, buses, Passover seders, and many other nonmilitary targets. Today, this killing spree is widely blamed for destroying the credibility of the Israeli peace movement and helping derail the Oslo Accords, precisely as Hamas intended. And it did not stop there. Since the group took power in Gaza, it has launched thousands of rockets indiscriminately at nearby civilian towns—attacks that continue at this very moment and that have boosted the Israeli right in election after election.
Hamas’s anti-Jewish aspirations were evident not only from its treatment of Israelis, but from its treatment of fellow Palestinians. Despite being the putative sovereign in Gaza and responsible for the well-being of its people, Hamas repeatedly cannibalized Gaza’s infrastructure and appropriated international aid to fuel its messianic war machine. The group boasted publicly about digging up Gaza’s pipes and turning them into rockets. It stored weapons in United Nations schools and dug attack tunnels underneath them. (Contrary to what you might have read on social media, Gaza does have underground shelters—they are just used for housing Hamas fighters, smuggling operations, and weapons caches, not protecting civilians.)
When dissenting Gazans attempted to protest this state of affairs and demanded a better future, they were brutally repressed. Hamas has not held elections since 2006. In 2020, when the Gazan peace activist Rami Aman held a two-hour Zoom call with Israeli leftists, Hamas threw him in prison for six months, tortured him, and forced him to divorce his wife. Why? Because his vision of a shared society for Arabs and Jews, however remote, was a threat to the group’s entire worldview. Jews were not to share the land; they were to be cleansed from it.
Simply put, what Hamas did two weekends ago was not a departure from its past, but the natural culmination of its commitments. The question is not why Hamas did what it did, but why so many people were surprised. Israel’s prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, quick to discern anti-Semitism in any effort to merely label Israeli products from West Bank settlements, somehow overlooked the severity of the genocidal threat growing next door. Journalists like me who cover anti-Semitism somehow failed to take Hamas’s overt anti-Jewish ethos as seriously as we should have. Many international leftists, ostensibly committed to equality and dignity for Palestinians and Israelis alike, somehow missed that Hamas did not share that vision, and in fact was actively working to obliterate it.
Today, in the ashes of the worst anti-Jewish violence since the Holocaust, some analysts have admitted their error of sanitizing Hamas. “It’s a huge mistake that I did, believing that a terror organization can change its DNA,” the former Netanyahu national-security adviser Yaakov Amidror told The New York Times. Others on the left have clung to their tortured conception of Hamas as a rational resistance group, despite it having been falsified by events. Perhaps some fear that acknowledging the true nature of Hamas would undermine the struggle for Palestinian self-determination. But in actuality, it is the refusal to disentangle Hamas’s anti-Jewish sadism from the legitimate cause of Palestinian nationalism that threatens the project and saps its support.
In 1922, The New York Times published its first article about Adolf Hitler. The reporter, Cyril Brown, was aware of his subject’s anti-Jewish animus, but he wasn’t buying it. “Several reliable, well-informed sources confirmed the idea that Hitler’s anti-Semitism was not so genuine or violent as it sounded,” Brown wrote, “and that he was merely using anti-Semitic propaganda as a bait to catch masses of followers.” Two years later, the Times published another news item on the future architect of the Holocaust: “Hitler Tamed by Prison.” The Austrian activist, the piece said, “looked a much sadder and wiser man,” and “his behavior during his imprisonment convinced the authorities that [he] was no longer to be feared.”
Many got Hamas wrong. But they shouldn’t have. Again and again, people say they intend to murder Jews. And yet, century after century, the world produces new, tortuous justifications for why anti-Jewish bigots don’t really mean what they say—even though they do.
